Statement

To The Working Class and The Revolutionary Public Opinion

The changes and developments that have taken place in the world over the last decade and also have been shaking the status quo in current world and in the Turkish communist movement led to the processes of division, disintegration and separation in almost every direction.

In this period, the word of "the world is changing" began to be used as a fashion in the communist / socialist movement of the world and Turkey and meantime in our Communist Labor Party of Turkey. Now, even when describing the slightest political and organizational event, this "fashion" word was used.

Indeed, the change of the world is objective, real, and concrete. A communist who cannot see this objectivity, reality and concrete, is not be worthy to the name of communist. However, one who obeys to these objective conditions can not be revolutionary, too. Because the underlying idea of Marx, Engels, and Lenin's whole thought is not only to see and expose the objectivity, but to show the ability and willpower to change it. In this sense, as always, today the problem is confronted as follows: Will we be adapt to the capitalist world, to the bourgeois world, to the world of the reformists, or will we work by putting forth a mighty power and a willpower to change this world we have seen and understood all along? The answer to this question most clearly reveals the distinction between reformist-opportunists and revolutionary communists.

The reformists who took over the administration in the communist parties of the socialist countries, which constitute the most important part of the world communist movement, have begun to remove socialism’s gain by giving the first answer to this question. While it was necessary to purify socialism from its weaknesses and to constantly direct COMMUNISM, these reformists tried to destroy socialism’s gains. But these reformist forces will not have enough power to fulfill their honourless task! However, it is impossible to say that this reactionary atempt does’nt affect the communist parties in the capitalist countries.

This effect soon began to manifest itself in the Turkish working class movement. The reformist ideology-political tendency, which has been completely unfolded within the Turkish working-class movement and embodied itself most explicitly in the TB KP, has also hammered itself in our party TKEP. In this context, the differences between the programmatic views reflected in the form of "the people’s democratic revolution or the socialist revolution" to the revolutionary opinion actually have far deeper roots. Disagreements within the TKEP have already begun in the case of the"Alliance Policies" and "whether the Party will continue its life legally or illegally" long before it emerged at a level of programmatic discretion. The disagreements in these basic politics have increasingly come to the level of programmatic differences.

Today, CC makes leadership of right tendency and reformism in TKEP. Although the CC has stated that it is opposed to reformism, in practice it stands shoulder by shoulder with reformists. In the same way, the alliance policies of the CC (both the alliance of communist movement and the action ) continue as alliances with the right reformist forces. On the other hand, the "UNITED LEGAL LEFT PARTY" policy, which was introduced towards the middle of the 1980s and which left its objective bases as a result of the developments, was turned into a policy of the TKEP's legalization by the CC. Beside all of these,The CC, which seems to be directed to a "left" position by advocating "socialist revolution" falled down the same point with the right opinions suggesting us to fight for bourgeois democracy. Briefly, the CC has consistently made a policy of swing to the right.

However, the revolutionary situation suppressed by the September 12 military fascist dictatorship, has begun to emerge after a certain period and to mature tremendously. Contrary to the period the revolutionary situation is approached from the theoretical point of view, when the revolutionary situation is suppressed,it is necessary to approach the problem of revolution from the practical-policy level in the present conditions. Our proposals and policies for solution should be directed at influencing and directing the ongoing class struggle on the basis of labor-capital conflict and orienting them into the channels of the revolutionary struggle.

For this reason, the answer to the question of how and with whom to walk around the strategy of the People’s Democratic Revolution and the People’s Democratic Power, which will inevitably reach socialism in such a revolutionary situation, should be given clearly and definetly . Our Party has faced the reformist policies of the “CC”, while facing with the task of preserving and strengthening this FORCE BASED REVOLUTION strategy, the illegal structure and going together with revolutionary forces by separating its road from reformism and of mobilizing all its energy and capabilities in order to perform.
The divergence of views on the part y was further magnified by covering different approaches to Leninist-type party opinion. "CC”, first, TKEP II. He overturned the TKEP PROGRAM, once again approved by the Congress, and then overturned the Party Organs defending the Party Program and overturned the primeval and arbitrary behavior in place of the Leninist DEMOCRATIC CENTRALIZATION principle existing in the Party's structure. By doing so, the "center" has fallen back to the Leninist conception of the TKEP. In short, liquidationism, which begins with the ideological-programmatic liquidation of the Party and continues with organizational liquidation, has become the basic policy of the "center."

In contrast, the Party Organs in ISTANBUL PARTY ORGANIZATION and KOMSOMOL were the main advocates of the revolutionary values of the TKEP. And they have embodied it in their views and works they have put up to now. In this respect, the Party Organs within the Istanbul Party Organization and Komsomol represent the REVOLUTIONARY TKEP.

This revolutionary wing of the party tried all the legitimate ways of inter-party struggle to keep the revolutionary structure of the ideological-programmatic line of the party, to re-dominate the revolutionary line without disturbing the organizational unity of the party. In this frame, the Istanbul Provincial Party made an extension of the Provincial Conference and the Istanbul Provincial Conference responded with a complete non-statutory procedure by violating the will of the "center" Party Party in the insistent form of "congress must reach the unity of action". By doing so, the "center" together removed the conditions for reaching the congress.

The "center", which accepted as a valid way to remove and neutralize the positions of the organs and staff who are fighting against their own opportunist-reformist line, has clogged all the ways of the intra-party struggle and lifted its possibilities. For this reason, in today's point we come to bear the basic revolutionary value of the TKEP and to take on the historical task that the revolution pre-empts as revolutionary and communist.

The opinions we have put forward for the benefit of the revolution and the party as much as it is now, have been obstructed by the party "laws" every time. Instead of using the party charter for the benefit of the revolution, the MK used it as a means of covering its own political ambiguities. The statute was enacted in order to protect those who created this "political ambiguity" and ignored our program and tactics. At this point we are saying with a loud voice: The law for the benefit of the revolution and the party is the greatest law. We are alone and only caught in this law.

The "center" turned to the right, separating itself from the main ideological-programmatic line of the party. We, as the Leninist wing of the Party, are the "milestones of the TKP" (1983), the "Left Union Decision" (1984), the bourgeoisie of the opportunist politics that is increasingly turning into a line from all opportunist politics contradicting our revolutionary ideas in the struggle of our party, (1984), "Decision to participate in the Kuruçeşme Platform" (1989) and "Decision to participate in the Freedom Campaign" (1989) are concrete tangible proofs of the ideological-political structure of the "center" and we purify ourselves completely from these politics. We leave the "center" with these policies and methods such as trickery, lies, and leashes that we are trying to impose on the new line. From the beginning of the 1900's, the banner of the struggle carried by socialist intellectuals of bourgeois origin is now in the hands of the REALITY PROLETARIAN to its true owner. For nearly 80 years, SOCIALISM has been moved to the working class with hundreds of groups, organizations and parties, sometimes small, with Kemalism, sometimes opportunism, and sometimes "left" views. In the last fifteen years, which is basically the practice of both socialization and class struggle, the fighting capacity, the ability to organize a REVOLUTIONARY PROLETER generation has grown. The forerunner of the socialist struggle now has a fighting flag. Those who can not comprehend this class ambition and dialectic of the struggle for socialism can not escape from political affairs.

After the present point of the class struggle, neither the socialism nor the working class movement can go on separate paths. A movement not based on the revolutionary proletariat can not be deserved in the name of socialism, nor can it be saved intellectually and operationally. On the contrary, revolutionary workers who do not integrate modern socialism ideologically under the influence of the bourgeoisie and can not save themselves over time. The obligatory and correct modern socialism is based on the revolutionary proletariat and the integration of the revolutionary proletariat into modern socialism. This is the basic character that we are going through.

To take over the fighting flag, to become the core nucleus within the communist party, to the revolutionary proletariat, to undertake new tasks: to assimilate all the advanced values up to now, to pass through the class filter and to be the true vanguard!

A period closed. The revolutionary proletariat is opening a new era!