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Today, human history has entered an era of inversions when “everything solid melts into air.” The speed of global developments is dizzying. We find ourselves in a period of condensed history in which ten years of developments now fit into months, weeks or even days. All across the world the winds of revolution are blowing from continent to continent, from country to country, from Latin America to Europe, from Asia to Africa.

Uprisings against the ruling class, the bourgeoisie, and capitalist society, revolts, civil wars, clashes, strikes and large-scale revolutionary mass movements are the order of the day all over the world. All this shows that humanity has entered into a "new phase" of historical development. An era of social revolutions, an era of great inversions is upon us.

Just as the primitive communal society had been replaced by slave society, slave society had been replaced feudal society, feudal society had been replaced by capitalist society on the ladder of historical development, capitalist society is now being replaced by socialist society. Humanity is experiencing annoyances of transition to the new and the more progressive, classless and borderless world by making the capitalist mode of production into history.

The capitalist society and capitalist mode of production is also historical and temporary like all societies. This capitalist mode of production today has reached the limits of its historical development and become a great obstacle to the development of humanity. Accordingly, its abolition is inevitable. Capitalism is the invariable background of the huge turmoil around the world, wars inside and outside, uprisings and riots, starvation and poverty, unemployment, destruction. In short, the revolutionary turmoil we are facing, and which is spreading across the whole world is the result of the whole historical development of the capitalism.

Without developing new concepts for the events we face today, it is impossible to scientifically diagnose and comprehend the events occurring today. Imperialism’s incorporation of dependent countries’ economies through the process of full annexation, global civil war, US imperialism’s leaping down (collapse), the Third World War taking place between the imperialist/capitalist system and the global proletariat and the century of insurrections are some of the key terms in scientifically explaining and understanding the daily developments we encounter. Attempting to theorize independently of these terms, one cannot form a single credible sentence about either world revolution or the united revolution in Turkey and Kurdistan.

Petty bourgeoisie socialist movements influenced by bourgeoisie worldviews are extremely common. The counter-revolutions realized throughout the socialist world between 1989-91, fallen walls, declaring the “end of history,” in a word the victory cries of capital left petty-bourgeois socialist movements in shock. In fact, in Turkey and in many regions throughout the world, the same period saw an upsurge of revolutionary action. But shallow theories which regard events in isolation from one another combined with the chaos created by the collapse of the socialist system lead to defeatism.

This despite the fact that everything was taking place in front of everyone. While the "victory" cries of the world bourgeois were still echoing, the whole of Europe had begun to be shaken by strikes and demonstrations starting in the middle of 93. An epidemic of demonstrations against the global trade agreements (GATT, GATS, MAI, MIGA) spread all over the world. In Brussels, truckers blocked highways, farmers ravaged all of Europe, from Japan to Rome, farmer's demonstration challenged the agricultural practice of monopolies.

Immediately thereafter the uprising initiated by the Zapatist movement in Chiapas came to the fore. Following the Uruguay Round of Global Trade Agreements, the evolution of the World Trade Organization triggered new waves of protest, strikes, rallies, and demonstrations which showed no signs of slowing down. Periodically global uprisings occurred.

Seattle represented a qualitative leap. There was now a global anti-capitalist movement. The masses, whose numbers were measured in millions and spread all over the world, expressed their inclination towards and desire for communism with the slogan "another world is possible". The enormous development of the productive forces came to a point where capitalist relations of production could not contain them. The capital nature of the means of production, capitalist private property had become a real, corrupting obstacle to the development of the productive forces. On the one hand, with huge advances in science and technology, the productive forces have reached a sufficient level to sustain humanity in abundance and prosperity, while on the other hand, because productive forces are privately owned by capitalists and thus represent capital millions and millions of people who are left unemployed as a result of this development and consequently are cast off from life itself. All of these are the inevitable results of the laws of movement of the capitalist form of production. As capital accumulates and grows, the demand for labor falls rapidly and in proportion to the size of capital. In other words, it is the accumulation of capital itself that creates unemployment and surplus population which is the population law of capitalist form of production. It is not correct to link the constant rise of unemployment to the policies of governments. But capitalists are deliberately clinging to this lie to hide this contradiction of the capitalist form production. In capitalist society, however, "the whole form of movement of the great industry is based on constantly making part of the working-class population unemployed or semi-unemployed people."

The enormous progress in science, technology and social productivity of labor, together with these has reduced the working time required for the livelihood of people. The shortened working period for life is the material basis for the multi-faceted development of the freedom of humanity. Today, this precondition has fully matured. But because of the hold of capitalist private property over the means of production this development in the productivity of social labor should result in the of this enormous progress in the productive forces. Because the means of production are held by capital, this progress of humanity is not cause of freedom, but of slavery, not of prosperity and of happiness, but of starvation and misery. Unemployment is a disaster for a worker; it means hunger, misery, expulsion from life. Because of capitalist private property, every progress in the means of labor leads to these consequences for the working class and other classes.

Capital rapidly lowers demand for labor in proportion to its size, makes an increasing part of the population plus population and intensifies exploitation to lower costs, while limiting the core consumer mass of the domestic market to a hunger-stricken mass, capitalists are hunting for more consumers worldwide. Thus, while the capitalists seek new consumers around the world, they have destroyed their own internal markets, leading the masses to starvation and misery.

This is an absolute law of the capitalist mode of production. But this destruction can't happen in silence. The masses cannot remain silent for a long time to be dragged to death worldwide, to be condemned to starvation and poverty and to be expelled from life. Today, the uprisings, riots, internal and external wars, strikes and revolutionary mass movements of giant dimensions are rising on this objective basis.

This historical period and events that have spread all over the world should not be considered as separate events that affect each other at random. The analysis and evolution of events should be carried out in a historical context and on a global scale. A scientific approach shows that events and phenomena are not casual but are the result of the historical development of capitalism and laws of movement.

Now the capitalist form of production has reached the limits of its historical development. The imperialist capitalist system is in the process of collapse. Shocking developments take place across the globe, apparently unconnected from one another. Humanity is in a new phase of historical development. The essence of this "new phase" is that the social revolutions that will lead to the transition from capitalism to communism have started practically. As the old world collapses a new world is born on its ruins; the hope of salvation of humanity is continuing, the age freedom of a thousand years is coming, the dawn of communism is coming.

It would undoubtedly be a great mistake to think that the world bourgeoisie will stand by the collapse of imperialist-capitalist system and will helplessly summit to its fate. At the end of last century, NATO determined that our era would be a " century of uprisings", but also explained what policy and measures it would develop against these uprisings. Since the late 90s, they have started training and organizing in accordance with urban warfare, to fight in residential areas. It meant to begin preparations of Civil War around the world. On the one hand, in order to speed up the centralization of capital worldwide, the US has turned to a policy of full annexation of the economy of dependent countries, achieving the goal of waging war against the peoples of the world by undertaking acts of war against its own people. On September 11, 2001, the US government destroyed the Twin Towers on their own.

With this provocation, the US initiated a new wave of aggression against the communist forces on the one hand and its other imperialist rivals by means of its greatest strength - military power. It was clear that this initiative was intended to rebuild crumbing US hegemony so that they could pursue their own interests unchecked.

The United States was able to put aside the contradictions between its own policy and other imperialists in the extraordinary circumstances created by the existence of the Soviet Union and the socialist system. The imperialists together with United States and its leadership acted to suppress the revolutionary forces against the occupation of Afghanistan and Iraq, the working class and laborers. Although contrary to the laws of capitalist development, this policy was successful for a time. When the law of uneven development once more began to disturb the balance between countries, the competition between imperialist forces became clear again. This circumstance served to accelerate the deep systematic crisis.

Like, the accumulation of water behind a dam, it was inevitable that the accumulated and sharpening contradictions come to the fore. The contradictions between the imperialists, pushed to the background under the pressure of the USA, have come to the fore in recent years and in a much more effective way than they have in the past. Disagreements between The United States and Germany, Germany and Britain are too severe to conceal as well as the confrontation of smaller states which support these imperialist nations with other nations. The parties no longer feel the need to hide their flaws from each other.

As a result, the US, which led the imperialist- capitalist system, began to lose its old position and influence in Europe while Germany began to take over the European leadership and France began to emerge from the influence of the USA and enter Germany's orbit. Germany is openly opposed to the US policy of military and economic siege of Russia and is developing its relations with Russia. The United Kingdom, slightly different from it in the early 2005, is not the United States' loyal "poodle" position but is holding rank with the US against Russia. Italy, which joined France in attacking Libya like a hungry wolf, had to be pulled aside like an exhausted old maniac. France, Germany and the countries in their respective spheres of influence objected to the recent US policy toward Iran. Every imperialist state in Syria is playing by their own rules; there is no trace of the common policy and behavior among the imperialist with regard to the Syrian civil war. This list goes on and on, the process continues to deepen.

The importance of imperialist’s contradiction and conflicts among themselves, may not lead to war for now. The important thing is that this circumstance deepens the contradictions and competition between imperialist states with an inflammatory effect. On the one hand this situation clears the way for the struggle of working people creating unexpected alliances. On the other, it widens the channels revolution must pass through. Working people see the glimmer of their own victory in the fragmentation of their enemies. Imperialism and reaction begin losing everywhere. Events in the Middle East prove this, allowing us to breath the fresh air of hope.

Imperialists, with the interference of Russia, have been defeated. They are losing in Syria; they are losing in Iraq. On Palestinian soil, HAMAS, which was personally founded by Israel to mislead the Palestinian revolution, has declared its bankruptcy. Palestinian revolutionary organizations have begun seizing the opportunity to capture their old positions of strength.

The rebellion wave started by the proletarian people of Tunisia has spread across North Africa and continues to become wider. The fact that imperialists provokes religious conflicts, arms reactionary- fascist groups everywhere and let them attack people to stop the uprisings from turning into social revolutions doesn’t change that they try to make these uprisings and conflicts look like sectarian’ conflicts.



The fact of the matter is that from Africa to the Middle East, from the Americas to Asia, reaching from there to Europe a revolutionary unrest is sweeping across the globe resulting from the conflict between proletariat and capital, communism and capitalism, the old world and the new world. This indicates that a revolutionary situation has emerged on a global scale. All conflicts in different countries and regions, whatever the different forms they take may be prove the existence of a revolutionary situation and how widespread it is.

In the Middle East, in the vast region from Yemen to Syria and Iraq the civil war and war between countries that have been going on for years must be analyzed in this manner. The wars that were organized on the shoulders of reactionary-fascist gangs together with the region’s reactionary-fascist states against the people are the results of the policy that imperialist dominance rests on reactionary-fascist powers (where necessary conducting ‘regime change’ to empower reactionary governments). No bourgeois power is certain of its future in this vast region that we indicated

All these intense developments can’t be regarded apart from the USA’s loss of hegemony. Now, we see the effects of this collapse clearly, within the US internal policy. The real mission of President Obama was to misguide the movement, to calm the revolutionary layers that were shaken, awake by the Occupy movement. Like Roosevelt who calmed proletariat that had risen against the government because of the Great Depression with New Deal in the 1930’s. But a lot of things have changed, and Obama couldn’t do anything except for health reforms. That’s why Obama’s last two years passed with armed Black rebellions. When Trump took over the presidency with his “Tea Party” cabinet, class struggle in USA pointed toward armed conflict. When Trump declared his presidency, millions of people poured into the streets against him. In there, the harshening class struggle, has the potential to turn into an open civil war in a short time. This really big country standing on economic, political, ethnic, and cultural fault lines, is preparing for the most ruthless civil war that has ever been fought.

Even Europe, which is fighting its class struggle through, democratic institutions and mass organizations, is not far from civil war. Europe, which has relied on USA fiscally and militarily during the 20th century has focused on its own problems since the collapse of US hegemony. Since the 2008 crisis, Europe’s diplomatic armies’ main purpose was to keep social revolutions out of the continent. What is possible? The full effects of the crisis didn’t wait to make Europe a fertile land for popular movements to sprout up. London was set on fire; France remembered the revolution as people poured to the squares and streets of Paris. In Greece bourgeoisie society was on the threshold of destruction, barely saved itself and is still barely stable. The political consequences of this unbelievable period finally began to emerge. For almost a hundred year the two-party administration (one conservative, one social-democrat) that was shaped with the fiscal aid of financial capital and with the existence of proletariat aristocracy, began to crumble and to be hurled in different directions. Against the fascist flag that racist parties raised in France, Germany, Greece, Spain and Italy, militant and combative masses stood firm.

As a result, European laborers, have entered in a very harsh class struggles against fascism and capitalism. Anti-fascist, anti-capitalist alliances are a very strong partnership bringing together proletariats that have tested its organized power many times with strikes. These actions have brought together poor immigrants and young people at the very edge of unemployment in a powerful alliance. European laborers who have not forgotten disasters like Hitler and Mussolini, have very strong morale and material advantages against the fascist parties that are growing with the support of financial oligarchy. As the financial-oligarchy’s central political party order rots, the inclination of monopolistic capitalists towards fascism becomes obvious. But their support for fascism only galvanizes the European proletariat and other laborer classes in the struggle against monopolistic capitalism and fascism.

Each revolution has its own internal and external conditions, and internal and external allies. Polarizations at global scale, struggles have an impact on revolution in any country directly or indirectly. In this respect, with the existing conditions imperialist-capitalist powers coming face to face against the powers under the leadership of Russia and China, triggers class struggle directly on a global scale.

On the one hand, the contradictions and conflicts between USA and European imperialists are sharpening, on the other hand the contradiction on a global scale between imperialists-capitalists and the block that Russia and China lead, becomes more evident in each development and it causes more conflicts. The ‘Shanghai 5’ and a series of countries that are planning to join them are strengthening themselves in trade treaties, economic, political, diplomatic and military fields against the worlds’ imperialists powers as a block. As the different opponents of bourgeoisie world come face to face, this creates great opportunities for progressive, revolutionary and socialist powers. Russia’s and China’s military, economic and trade relations with Cuba and Venezuela and help them to breathe easy for a while. In the last several years, Russia’s standing against imperialists in Ukraine and Syria must be evaluated from this perspective. This situation is enough to prove that Russia and China cannot be regarded as imperialist powers and doing so is not scientific and theoretically shallow.


As is well known, because of capitalist development, the colonial policy of imperialism gave way to neo-colonialism based on economic, financial, diplomatic and military dependence after 1945. These types of dependence / semi-dependence emerged during Lenin's early years and became a general after the Second World War.

The historical significance of this development is as follows: As relations of capitalist production spread around the world, there has been a change in the type of colonialism and pressure, so that collaboration with the “national bourgeoisie” resulted in significant the negation of the “nationalist” aspect. However, the bourgeoisie of dependent/semi-dependent countries realized that the only way to capital accumulation and capitalist development was through collaboration with imperialist capital.

As a result of that, capitalist development disengages and separates the old “colonial” nation and two new nations emerge with conflicting interests: the bourgeois nation and proletarian nation. With this development, a significant change in the context of “classical wars of national emancipation” occurred; salvation from imperialist slavery could only be possible with the leadership of the proletariat. This class relation gradually brought national emancipation movements closer to socialism and brought in a quality that can be defined as a national/class emancipation movement because these movements developed in war against imperialism and its compradors. Examples include the emancipation movements in Vietnam, Korea, Laos, Cambodia and Africa. After 1945, the fact that socialism had become a system provided these movements a strong ally in a formation of socialist countries.

This process has not disappeared yet. On the contrary it continues to intensify. The development of capitalism disengages and separates “former nations” and divides them among classes that have uncompromising discrepancies. After this phase of historical progress, the effort to create “a national union” between all classes of a country that had been divided in this manner would be in vain. “The union” of an oppressed nation that had been divided and crushed by capitalism could only be constructed by the proletariat and around the proletariat.

The recent shocking events and uprisings taking place for last a few months in Kurdistan, in South Kurdistan specifically can only be explained scientifically on this basis. The bourgeoisie and its political representatives no longer have the characteristic required to the leadership for the emancipation movement of a nation. They use this struggle only as a way to appear powerful in the eyes of their imperialist masters and rely on this status as a way to be respected and accepted, and to benefit in the relations with imperialist capital. The bourgeoisie always favors their class profits over the profits of “the nation,” witness the attempt of the political forces of bourgeois in South Kurdistan to drown the revolution of Rojava.

Even the example of Catalonia on its on is enough to show how the imperialists speak and act with a single voice against the right of national self-determination and the will to make this right to establish their own states. The example of Catalonia showed that the people’s expression of the desire of independence is enough to make all the imperialists’ bloody hands obvious. Once again and in practical terms: imperialism seeks not independence but sovereignty; not democracy but political reactionaryism.

This is why for revolutionary petty bourgeoisie movements of national liberation there are only two options: either they are going to keep on with collaboration with the imperialists and even deepen it(which means that they will turn their backs to the independence mission of the nations) or they will take up the struggle of working and poor classes and against imperialism and the comprador bourgeoisie until they gain their victory of independence. The second way that includes the struggle against imperialism and capitalism necessarily leads to socialism. This would be the way to gain power, energy, and international solidarity of world’s proletariat, working people, and revolutionary powers.

Movements of national liberation are struggling against capitalism and imperialism remain an important part and dynamic of the world revolution, even though they lost their past prestige. These movements, by gaining a national/class content, get closer to socialism, and to their revolution of social emancipation.


It would not be reasonable to expect Turkey and Kurdistan to be in a different state considering the fact that there is a civil war going on between labor and capital on an international level and that revolutionary conditions have developed in most of the countries of the imperialist capitalist system. On the contrary, these two states are lands of civil war and have been in a revolutionary state for nearly thirty years.

Turkey has a monopolistic capitalist economy. The industrial base of its monopolistic capitalist economy is weak and dependent on imperialism. This economy has been going through structural crisis on and off since the 1970s. In every crisis period, while lots of capitalists went broke, a small number of capitalists got richer, stronger, and they carried on their accumulation of capital. The imperialist states and monopolies used the crisis to impose conditions of liberalization on the state and capitalist class, so that their imperialist monopolies would enter the economy to turn their semi-dependent relation to one of full dependence. These circumstances were destructive for working classes.

The monopolistic capitalist class of Turkey faced strong proletarian movements while they were implementing the economic policies dictated by imperialist powers. By the end of the 70s, Turkey was faced with a political crisis accompanied by an economic crisis, a state of revolution and civil war. The proletariat and bourgeoisie, the class war between revolution and anti-revolution had reached a state of civil war. Revolutionary mass movements had spread all around Turkey and Kurdistan, armed clashes were widespread, the occupation of factories by the working class and strikes became commonplace. In big cities, the state lost control of neighborhoods and the existence of state in many cities of Turkey and Kurdistan had become formal. In essence, there was a revolution occurring.

The revolutionary movements of Turkey and Kurdistan could not analyze these conditions correctly. Indeed, it was the monopolistic capitalist class and the imperialists who were able to do so. On 12th of September 1980, to end to this situation, the fascist Turkish army, acting under the direction of US imperialism and the other imperialist states, seized power. The generals subsequently summarized the situation by saying “if we had not taken over, the communists would be in our shoes right now.”

The fascist coup pushed back the revolutionary mass movements by using violent oppression and terror. Strikes and demonstrations were banned in order to quell the revolutionary state. Trade unions, associations, revolutionary magazines and newspapers were banned. The rights won by the working class were abolished; all the organizations of civil servants and employees were broken up. The crisis of monopolistic capitalism, by increasing exploitation and by creating new opportunities for capital accumulation was temporarily assuaged.

However, this situation started to change after a couple of years; the working class started to make itself more obvious, the war of independence in Kurdistan. The 90’s became the years that the revolutionary state came back to the surface and class war turned into civil war. Uprisings, riots, battles with and without weaponry took place Dungeons became an important part of the revolutionary war. Bourgeois governments could remain in power for a maximum one or two years, after which a new bourgeois coalition government was formed. The bourgeoisie could not govern like before, nor did the working classes want to be governed like before. The mass movements in Kurdistan lead to revolts and riots while guerrilla movements developed at the same time. Armed struggle was becoming more widespread. Revolts, riots, revolutionary mass movements; all these forms of armed struggle continue today.

The monopolistic capitalist class and imperialists, with the help of the state, replied this growth of the revolution by solidifying the fascist government, by arming the civil fascist population and releasing them on the revolutionary forces, by massacring them and by bombing cities. While the cities in Kurdistan were burnt and destroyed, the people were massacred by chemical weapons, and were buried alive in the houses that were destroyed by heavy artillery fire.

Still, fascist terror could not discourage the working class and the oppressed people in Turkey and Kurdistan. Proletarian uprisings in these two countries against fascist oppression and terror continue. Two of the most violent uprisings were the people’s uprisings known as the Gezi Park protests in June 2013 and the Kurdish uprising of 6-8 October, 2014 Kobane uprising. During and after these two uprisings, numerous revolutionary mass movements, uprisings and riots occurred.1

Both the Gezi Park and Kobane uprisings were milestones of the history of Turkey and Kurdistan. They turned the social revolution in Turkey into a concrete/practical phenomenon. Turkey and Kurdistan have become the lands where the contradictions have accelerated, the clashes have intensified to such an extraordinary level that the monopolistic capitalist class now could no longer maintain its sovereignty without resorting to fascist terror.2

These lands where revolution has become a contemporary, practical problem, is the weakest link of the imperialist-capitalist chain. The imperialists and the monopolistic capitalist class of Turkey is willing to resort to anyway and means including mass massacres and wars so that this weakest link would not rupture. Exactly because of this, the religious fascist state that is ruled by Erdogan is supported by the imperialist governments, especially by USA and Germany, whatever disagreements they might each perform for the domestic audiences. The fear of the imperialists is the collapse of the religious fascist state of Erdogan, because it would mean a people’s uprising.

The atmosphere of uprising continues to increase. In order to preserve its sovereignty under the threat of uprising, the monopolistic capitalist class is gathering all state power in the hands of Erdogan and the religious fascist state uniting all the counter-revolutionary powers to support Erdogan. To win the civil war, it is engaging in wars abroad, invading and annexing the land of other countries. But all these ways that were appealed as a solution are doing nothing other than intensifying the revolution and the revolutionary state and also feeding the atmosphere of uprising.

The fact that every step the monopolistic capitalist class and imperialists have taken to prevent the revolution, every attempt they have made to win a new lease on life has done nothing but intensify the revolution. This has only one explanation: the bourgeois order is collapsing and falling apart along with its all institutions.

Still, it is necessary to assert that, unless the bourgeois system is brought down by the proletariat and working people through revolution, the bourgeois system will not collapse on its own. The capitalist economic system is bound to crisis in order to renew itself. The revolutionary powers and communists should know to benefit from the crisis of the monopolistic capitalism for the victory of the revolution. Being a revolutionary means knowing how to benefit from the crisis of the capitalism for the victory of the revolution for the capture of the political power. Anything else is done in vain. Because every bourgeois is ready to say and accept that capitalism is in a crisis, and that bourgeois society is rotting and collapsing. What makes the revolutionary proletariat party, and Communist party different from these types of bourgeois is destroying the sovereignty of the bourgeoisie and taking power to the hands of the labor.

Unfortunately, the revolutionary forces of Turkey and Kurdistan could not follow a revolutionary policy until these days. Instead of benefiting from the economic and political crisis (read: revolutionary situation) of the monopolistic capitalism to destroy bourgeois sovereignty, they ran after gaining rights inside the system and expanding of their liberties.


A party that is loyal to the revolutionary tradition of the working class is the party which knows to benefit from the revolutionary situation and determines its policy accordingly.

The imperialist-capitalist system is going through a deep, destructive revolutionary crisis all over the world. The struggle between labor and capital continues in the form of civil war worldwide. Under these conditions the revolutionary parties must have clear sight of their goal, the ability to lead to be able to benefit from this crisis for the victory of revolution and ready to commit to seizing power and to overthrow bourgeois rule.

The biggest impact of social reformist and opportunist parties on the world working class movement was the removal of the working class from the capture of political power. We're confronted with this legacy under the name of "European Communism". In the other continents and countries, we are confronted with it in different forms. But no matter what form it may appear to be, the common line that cuts them wholly is the line of compromise with the bourgeois class and distance from the goal of capturing power. As the most prominent form of this line is the government over-classes, is defending a "democracy" separated from its class content. For this reason, we know the social reformist and opportunist parties they try to remove the proletarian masses and the social forces of revolution from the goal of power's capture. In times of revolutionary crisis this goal must come before all else.

In the time of revolutionary crisis - and now we're going through such a crisis worldwide - the task of a revolutionary party is to benefit from the revolutionary crisis for the goal of revolution. The conquest of political power which is the first door to capture of all power. There is no other goal in times of revolutionary crisis. A revolutionary party cannot approach the problem otherwise.

The task of a revolutionary party is to successfully carry out the revolution benefiting from revolutionary crisis, to seize the power to form a revolutionary government thereby breaking the resistance of exploiters. The bourgeois class is the basis of this revolutionary government. Needless to say this difficult task cannot be carried out by peaceful means, by reconciliation with the bourgeoisie. It can only be achieved by the dictatorship of revolutionary government that doesn't restrict itself to any law.

The parties and other social reformist parties who put forward the idea of European communism try to scare the working masses, the oppressed and the exploited with the idea of "dictatorship". This is how they hide from the masses that all forms of power of bourgeois class are actually a dictatorship of the bourgeois class.

Marx did not discover the concept of class war. The concept of of class war was invited and used before Marx. Marx's superiority in this matter is found in the fact that he extends the concept of class war to the concept of dictatorship of the proletariat. He showed that class war will inevitably develop into the dictatorship of proletariat after it has become a civil war at a certain stage of development. Therefore, a party that accept class struggle and doesn't extend it to the dictatorship of proletariat will neither be a communist nor revolutionist.

The conquest of power by taking the advantage of the revolutionary crisis is the first door to the dictatorship of the proletariat to a classless society. The task of the revolutionary and communist parties is to use revolutionary methods to open this first door from the revolutionary crisis of capitalism.

The social reformist and opportunist parties who believe in the immortality of capitalism do not openly express their ideas. Instead, they consider the crisis of capitalism as an accident, a temporary failure and think that after a while everything will return to its previous routine. Therefore, instead of calling the masses, the working class, the oppressed peoples to destroy this system with a revolution, preparing them for revolution, they call to struggle for reforms which mean to complete the shortcoming of the capitalist system to sew its torn-out.

The social reformist and opportunist parties' policies are the kiss of life given to the bourgeoisie as the ruling class in times of the revolutionary crisis. How this kiss of life has a saving effect for bourgeoisie especially in the situation of extraordinary increase in the uprising, rebellion, revolutionary mass demonstrations, it is just as deadly for the working class and the oppressed people.

Social reformist and opportunist parties are precisely that; parties which take advantage of the tendencies and sympathies of the masses towards revolution, socialism, communism, pull out the rug from under their own feet and lead to political bankruptcy. The most massive communist parties in Europe have been bankrupt as a result of this conciliatory policies. First, they were bankrupt politically, then they were disorganized.

The embarrassing bankruptcy of the parties defending “European Communism” was caused by neither personal mistakes nor by an unpredicted road accident. On the contrary, this political bankruptcy and organizational disintegration was the inevitable result of the political line they have followed.

Now, in Europe and many other parts of the world, groups, parties, political strata are emerging that are focused on revolutionary Marxist-Leninist thought. The revolutionary forces within the social reformist and opportunist parties are separating their ways and shifting to a revolutionary line. This objective situation is the result of the deep crisis of bourgeois society and bourgeois class domination. While social reformists and opportunist parties were falling over themselves to serve the bourgeoisie, the development of revolutionary crisis weeds them out and puts the pieces together as they should be.

As long as revolutionary parties, groups, and people who have just emerged and tried to organize are able to follow a revolutionary line, they will have the future as long as they follow a political line guided by revolutionary feelings and aspirations of the exploited and oppressed masses, no matter how weak they may be! What is important and decisive is the revolutionary policies and the revolutionary program. Now we know how the "communist parties" had enormous power dissolve because they don't have revolutionary programs and revolutionary policies.

The essence of revolutionary politics is that the revolutionary party should put the task of overthrowing bourgeois sovereignty and putting all political power into the hands of proletariat. This is vital, especially in times of revolutionary crisis. The essence of revolutionary policies in times of revolutionary crisis, whether this crisis arises from foreign war, civil war, or any other cause, is to benefit from the crisis that bourgeois domination or bourgeois itself has suffered, to overthrow of bourgeois domination and to seize political power for the victory of revolution.

The revolutionary situation and civil war between labor and capital is now spreading all over the world. This crisis of the imperialist-capitalist system is not a temporary road accident. It is the result of devastating internal contradictions of capitalism’s maturation. There is not one weak ring in the imperialist-capitalist chain, but many. Not one in the chain, but a lot of rings of the chain have come to the point of breaking.

On the condition that the oppressed, exploited masses are filled with the longing for "another world" beyond capitalism and declare that this other world they've longed for is "possible," the revolutionary and communist parties can only write on their flags:



1 The former began as a protest against capitalist gentrification in Istanbul and spread across Turkey as the people took to the street to reject the rule of reactionary monopoly capitalists led by the Justice and Development Party (under the leadership of Recep Tayyip Erdogan). The Kobane uprisings were sparked by the same government’s tactical support of Islamic State who intensified their unsuccessful attack on the city of Kobani, Rojava. – Trans.

2 The most prominent example being the October 2015 bombing of a protest against Turkey’s involvement in Syria. – Trans.

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